Quota systems like this, however, have always smacked of central planning and anti-capitalism. They engage in wholesale prohibition and regulation of entire classes of immigrants, regardless of the wants or needs of native employers, families, and charitable groups who might be interested in hosting these immigrants.
A wholesale ban on immigrants from Country X is about as compatible with a free economy as is a ban on imports from Country Y. It’s nothing more than a case of politicians deciding arbitrarily what sorts of economic activity Americans will be allowed to engage in.
It’s become common now to read arguments claiming that immigrants — broadly speaking — are good for the economy, or good for “America” in some other fashion.
“Migrants and refugees are good for economies,” Nature magazine claims. “Open Immigration Is Good for the Health of People and the Economy,” another writer claims. “1,500 economists to Trump: Immigrants are good for the U.S. economy,” CNN insists.
Now, I’m not one to argue against freedom of contract and exchange between US citizens and foreign nationals. In other words, if a private employer wishes to offer a job to a foreign national, that foreign national should be free to accept. Similarly, if an American landlord wants to enter into a lease agreement with a foreigner, that ought to be the landlord’s prerogative.
Note that in these cases, however, the private parties involved are specific individuals. The landlord and the employer have not entered into agreements with some vague concept of “immigrants.” They’re doing business with certain individuals who happen to be immigrants.
At the heart of this reality is a very important fact: immigrants are not homogeneous. Each person has different skills, different needs, and different luck. Moreover, immigrants aren’t even homogeneous within certain national groups. An English-speaking middle-class non-felon from Mexico clearly has little in common with a gangland assassin from the same country.
Thus, we cannot say that immigrants in general are good for the economy or good for anything else. Some are. Some aren’t.
For this reason, it would of course also be factually incorrect to say “migrants and refugees are bad for economies,”or “immigrants cause crime” or “immigrants are a burden on the public purse.” No doubt this is true about some immigrants.But it’s certainly not true of all of them. Thus, every time I see a headline that blares “Immigrants are good for America,” I wonder: “Do they mean all of them?”
But which ones are delightful neighbors and customers, and which ones are future drains on the taxpayer?
This has always been the central problem of immigration policy.
A Different Approach
Contrary to myths about the United States having totally open borders in the nineteenth century, many US states did, in fact, employ a variety of legal schemes to prevent entry to certain immigrants who were thought to be paupers who would be a drain on the public purse. (States did this because most people at the time agreed the federal government was not granted power of immigration matters.) New York and Massachusetts were especially notable for efforts to refuse entry to certain immigrants thought to be unemployable.
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