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Posts Tagged ‘Economics In One Lesson’

TGIF: The Economic Way of Thinking Can Save Lives | The Libertarian Institute

Posted by M. C. on January 21, 2023

https://libertarianinstitute.org/articles/tgif-thinking-save-lives/

by Sheldon Richman

The Cambridge economist Joan Robinson (1903-1983) wisely said, “The purpose of studying economics is not to acquire a set of readymade answers to economic questions, but to learn how to avoid being deceived by economists.”

Excellent point, though I would both broaden and narrow her category of suspects. I would include most politicians, bureaucrats, pundits, and social-science and humanities professors in the suspect group. And I would exclude the economists — spoiler alert: primarily those of the Austrian school, although others stand out — who paint a much more realistic picture of the world than the others do.

For the record, Robinson was sympathetic to John Maynard Keynes and, later in life, communist China’s Mao Zedong, and North Korea’s Kim Il Sung. Obviously, her study of economics did not teach her how to avoid being deceived by all who represented themselves as economists. (I heard once that Che Guevera became head of Cuba’s national bank in 1959 because when Fidel Castro asked his cadre, “Who here is a good economist?” Guevara, thinking he heard, “Who here is a good communist?” raised his hand. But that’s apparently apocryphal.)

At any rate, mankind would have been spared a good deal of misery had people learned at an early age to engage in the economic way of thinking. If I were to sum it up in a short phrase, I would say: in a world in which the law of identity, causality, and scarcity rule, you can’t do just one thing. Human action has consequences. This apparently is also the first law of ecology, but oddly, environmentalists (as opposed to humanists) seem ignorant of it.

The point is that all human action has rippling consequences across society and across time. The economist who called his textbook The Economic Way of Thinking, the late Paul Heyne, wrote, “All social phenomena emerge from the choices of individuals in response to expected benefits and costs to themselves.” (Happily, Peter J. Boettke and David L. Prychitko keep updating the book. It’s in its 10th edition.)

Heyne’s maxim applies to the choices of politicians and bureaucrats also. So before proposing or endorsing a government policy, one ought to wonder about the social phenomena that are likely to emerge from it. Economics is an indispensable tool in this respect.

Henry Hazlitt’s classic, Economics in One Less, is a great way to get started. Hazlitt wrote, “The art of economics consists in looking not merely at the immediate but at the longer effects of any act or policy; it consists in tracing the consequences of that policy not merely for one group but for all groups.” Hazlitt’s book elaborated an important message of his intellectual ancestor, Frédéric Bastiat, the 19th-century French laissez-faire liberal, in the classic essay “That Which Is Seen and That Which Is Unseen.”

Individuals who adopt this way of thinking are better equipped to judge the promises of politicians, etc. who support taxes, minimum-wage laws, rent control, general wage-and-price controls, and the rest of the program of political authority over contractual freedom and other peaceful conduct. Even well-intended regulations will have unintended bad secondary consequences. Good intentions are never enough.

Any good introduction to the economic way of thinking will introduce readers to concepts like opportunity cost, the unseen, sunk costs, the margin, and tradeoffs. Most people seem to intuit some of these in their own lives. But they fail to do so when it comes to society as a whole. They are encouraged by politicians and pundits to think that common sense in private life does not apply to the big picture.

Opportunity cost refers to the fact when you choose a course of action, you necessarily foreclose another course of action. The true cost, then, is the (subjectively judged) next-best choice forgone. If you buy something for two dollars, your cost isn’t really two dollars. It’s what you regard as the next best use of those two dollars — the future not chosen. You might decide afterward that you made a mistake: “I could’ve had a V-8!” Good economists do not regard people as omniscient robots.

Opportunity cost is another way of looking at trade-offs. If you do or choose A you can’t do or choose B. Thus you trade B for A. Trade-offs are inescapable. Thomas Sowell, for whom the word genius is woefully inadequate, dramatically drew attention to this feature of life when he wrote, “There are no solutions. There are only trade-offs.” Today’s problems, he adds, may well be the result of yesterday’s solutions. We’d do well to bear this in mind, especially in deciding what the government should be doing (if anything).

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Doug Casey on How Economic Witch Doctors Convince Everyone They’re Neurosurgeons

Posted by M. C. on December 11, 2021

Where to start? In my opinion, the best-done single book that you can read about economics is Henry Hazlitt’s Economics in One Lesson. It’s only about 150 pages, and it’s a gem. Everybody should read it.

https://internationalman.com/articles/doug-casey-on-how-economic-witch-doctors-convince-everyone-theyre-neurosurgeons/

by Doug Casey

International Man: The average person doesn’t care about economics. But to the extent that he does, he only reads mainstream publications like The Economist and editorials in The New York Times.

In these publications, the average person will find so-called economists advocating upside-down and destructive concepts like negative interest rates, banning cash, debt-fueled consumption, government spending, and rampant money printing as the cures to economic ailments.

And if those methods don’t work—or inflict damage—the establishment economists’ response is to simply call for more money printing, more debt, and even lower interest rates.

What’s your take on conventional economic thinking and methods?

Doug Casey: Frankly, most “economists” today are only political apologists masquerading as economists.

An economist is somebody that describes the way the world works—how people go about producing, consuming, buying, selling, and living their lives. That’s not, however, what most of today’s PhD economists do. Instead, they prescribe the way they would like the world to work and tailor theories to help politicians demonstrate the virtue and necessity of their quest for more power.

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It’s Time to Abolish the Capital Gains Tax | Mises Wire

Posted by M. C. on August 12, 2021

The great explains in Economics in One Lesson (order your free copy) that when investors realize

they lose the whole dollar when they lose, but can keep only a fraction of it when they win, they decide it is foolish to take risks with their capital. In addition, the capital available for risk-taking itself shrinks enormously. It is being taxed away before it can be accumulated. In brief, capital to provide new private jobs is first prevented from coming into existence, and the part that does come into existence is then discouraged from starting new enterprises.

https://mises.org/wire/its-time-abolish-capital-gains-tax

McCoy Dorr

President Biden’s ridiculously high spending proposals require equally ridiculous tax proposals. Among the craziest proposals is a massive increase in the capital gains tax rate. According to the Tax Foundation, Biden’s proposal would raise the top federal rate on capital gains tax to 43.4 percent. When accounting for state and local rates, the average top rate would be 48 percent, up from the current 29 percent. This is about nineteen steps in the wrong direction. Progressives, the largest proponents of the tax on capital gains, believe that this tax is a necessary and just tool used to rein in the greed of the rich and ensure that the selfless government can implement righteous social programs to help the needy. This belief could not be further detached from reality. The existence of taxes on capital gains significantly distorts the natural flow of investment in markets, which harms the social welfare of all Americans, and it is past time to abolish the capital gains tax.

The capital gains tax is imposed on the profits gained from the sale of an asset. This increases the costs involved in realizing the profits of an investment, therefore altering individuals and businesses’ cost-benefit analysis and decision process when evaluating investment opportunities. This has a substantial impact on the reallocation of capital and the availability of capital, because investors have to take the capital gains tax into account when weighing if a new investment is worthy. Investors are forced to decide if the new investment has a profit potential that outweighs the impact of the capital gains tax and the future profit potential of whatever asset they may currently be invested in. Many investors decide it is not. This creates the “lock-in effect.” The capital gains tax creates the incentive for investors to retain their current subpar-performing investments even when more profitable investment opportunities are present. This keeps capital locked into inefficient and underperforming assets as opposed to more efficient and profitable assets. Therefore, these inefficient assets have an inflated value and worth compared to what a free market, undistorted by the capital gains tax, would have allocated to them. As capital is a scarce and limited resource, these distortions inhibit the growth of other industries and assets that are more worthy of investment and consequently harm the social welfare of all Americans, as these industries with a deflated worth are unable to provide the goods, services, and jobs the market would have otherwise provided. This is why an unaltered flow of capital and investment is integral to the health of a free economy. The great Henry Hazlitt explains in Economics in One Lesson (order your free copy) that when investors realize

they lose the whole dollar when they lose, but can keep only a fraction of it when they win, they decide it is foolish to take risks with their capital. In addition, the capital available for risk-taking itself shrinks enormously. It is being taxed away before it can be accumulated. In brief, capital to provide new private jobs is first prevented from coming into existence, and the part that does come into existence is then discouraged from starting new enterprises.

These new enterprises that are blocked from coming into existence would have otherwise created better and cheaper goods. In the end, not only is the investor harmed but so are the consumers and producers that are deprived of an improved standard of living. It is nearly impossible to dissect and weigh all of the societal harms that have occurred due to the implementation of the capital gains tax, because we have been robbed of a reality we could use as a control. The industries and companies that have been deprived of growth due to the capital gains tax are invisible.

However, we can examine the effects previous changes in the capital gains tax rate have had on investments. The clearest metric we can use to examine the flow of capital into new enterprises is seed-capital funding. Seed-capital funding is funding provided by investors to the creators of a new start-up venture in exchange for equity. This seed-capital funding is linked to the capital gains tax, because investors likely have to divest their capital from another firm or asset, a taxable event, to then invest in a new company in exchange for equity, which would then be taxed again if ever sold. In an examination of past changes in the tax rate of capital gains and the volume of new seed-capital funding, an article published by National Review  found that when the capital gains tax rate was cut in 1977 from 49 percent to 20 percent, there was an increase in seed-capital funding from $68 million to $5.1 billion, a 700 percent increase. A later increase of the rate to 28 percent in 1986 resulted in a 60 percent decrease in seed-capital funding. This shows that funding for new ventures is intrinsically linked to the free flow of capital, which is instead obstructed by the capital gains tax. Investors are deprived of healthy returns on investment, producers are denied economic opportunity, and consumers are impoverished.

Examining just a few studies on the effects of the capital gains tax demonstrates the effects an abolition would have in boosting the quality of life for the lower and middle classes. First, economists from the Tax Foundation examined IRS data and found “that more than 80 percent of taxpayers who claim dividend income earn less than $100,000 and 76.4 percent of those who claim capital gains earn less than $100,000.” This shows that the burden of the capital gains tax falls on the middle class. This burden can be alleviated by removing the capital gains tax. Furthermore, the Cato Institute discovered that a capital gains tax reduction is a way to attract investment funds to capital-starved areas and minority groups. In the ’80s, when the capital gains tax was slashed, the number of black-owned businesses increased by one-third. And later when it was cut again, that number increased by an additional 38 percent. While the precise results that the elimination of the capital gains tax would have are incalculable due to the stubborn fact that we lack omniscience, an elimination would unequivocally lead to the creation of a large number of jobs and economic growth, which would bring an improvement to the quality of life of poverty-stricken communities by encouraging a culture of private ownership and entrepreneurship.

Eliminating the capital gains tax would free up an unprecedented amount of capital, create countless new jobs, and result in the formation of new enterprises dedicated to providing cheaper and improved goods and services. The abolition of the capital gains tax would create an economically productive and stable society, yet the fallacy persists that the capital gains tax is beneficial. The failure of progressives to see beyond the increased government revenues is the reason we are shackled with the capital gains tax today. Progressives are failing Hazlitt’s one lesson (not that anyone has ever accused progressives of being economically literate). As Hazlitt states at the end of his magnum opus, economics “is a science of recognizing secondary consequences. It’s also a science of seeing general consequences. It is the science of tracing the effects of some proposed or existing policy not only on some special interest in the short run, but on the general interest in the long run.” Progressives look at the immediate effects, increase in government revenue and funding for their social programs, and are blind to the havoc they have wrought in the market. This failure to comprehend the impacts of distorting the flow of capital results in the average American consumer being deprived of an indecipherable higher standard of living. Author:

McCoy Dorr

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Economics In One Lesson Is Still the Best Layman’s Intro to Economics | Mises Wire

Posted by M. C. on March 6, 2021

Hazlitt believed two predispositions impeded people from recognizing the broader impacts of decisions: (1) self-interested pleadings for special treatment and (2) the persistent tendency to see immediate effects and overlook secondary consequences.

https://mises.org/wire/economics-one-lesson-still-best-laymans-intro-economics

Fergus Hodgson

A line in a recent National Post news story left me aghast: “Economists are nearly unanimous in their support for the $381-billion deficit Ottawa plans to run in 2021.” One of Canada’s more reasonable newspapers, founded by Conrad Black, published the outlandish notion that unprecedented Keynesian deficit spending is plain-vanilla economics.

This assertion, no doubt the honest belief of the reporter, reflects an opaque field lacking bearings. As Alexander Salter of Texas Tech University recently wrote in a Wall Street Journal commentary, the field has “lost itself in data.” Celebrating the life of UCLA economist William Allen, who passed away in January, Salter wrote: “Allen truly believed in economics—something that is hard to say about most economists these days…. Economics is increasingly less scientific and more susceptible to political influence.”

One way to grasp the gradual splintering, confusion, and manipulation within the field is to consider two disparate books for the layman: Economics in One Lesson (1946) and Naked Economics (2002). The former, by Henry Hazlitt, has for many years been familiar to me as a canon of both economics and liberalism. The latter was recommended reading for my MBA program at Rice University.

Charles Wheelan, author of Naked Economics and a Dartmouth College lecturer, is a well-read, thoughtful gentleman. His more recent book, Naked Statistics (2013), does an honorable job of making statistics accessible, clear, and meaningful.

However, his earlier work “for people who never studied economics” fails to distill the most fundamental elements of the discipline. Rather, it is a broad survey that delivers a muddy message, reflecting what has come of academic economics. By taking on too many topics and engaging in political rhetoric—belittling critics of US federal overreach, for example—he sets himself up for failure. Many readers have no doubt come away from Naked Economics more confused than when they went in.

Wheelan goes astray right from the first chapter: “Economics starts with one very important assumption: individuals act to make themselves as well off as possible.” Although there is a grain of truth there, the foundational principle of economics is scarcity, which necessitates tradeoffs and resource allocation. Gregory Mankiw of Harvard University notes in Principles of Economics—in its ninth edition and the most popular economics textbook in the United States—that “economics is the study of how society manages its scarce resources.”

In contrast to Wheelan, Hazlitt takes on a humble objective: to deliver an “unblushingly ‘classical,’ ‘traditional,’ and ‘orthodox’” synthesis of economics. This is the most fitting way to approach the layman, who will only retain a few lessons from an introductory book. Hazlitt offers just one lesson.

Hazlitt believed two predispositions impeded people from recognizing the broader impacts of decisions: (1) self-interested pleadings for special treatment and (2) the persistent tendency to see immediate effects and overlook secondary consequences.

In his canon, his singular goal is to ferret out fallacies by overcoming those two predispositions. After seventy-five years, the simplicity and clarity of his book mean it has stood the test of time—without any need for a revision or update. Economics in One Lesson is still the book I recommend to anyone seeking an economics primer.

Naked Economics will not stand the test of time, despite the title, which implies just the bare bones of economics. Wheelan perhaps never intended it to become a canon. He gets into the weeds of topical content, focusing heavily on current and recent events in the United States. Further, despite being the founder and cochairman of the United America NGO, he does little to conceal his moderate-Democrat inclinations. After all, he ran for Congress in a Democratic Party primary, and in the book he mocks anarcho-capitalist economists such as Walter Block and David Friedman.

Further, he appears blind to his own biases, falsely championing himself as a “radical centrist.” For example, he notes public spending as a percentage of GDP as his gauge of government size, assuming spending should grow in proportion to the rest of the economy. As economist Robert Higgs has said, “that doesn’t make a lot of sense.” We don’t assume the cost of other items should follow such a pattern.

Wheelan’s ideological blindness reminds me of when two prominent economists in Canadian universities—David Green and Joseph Marchand—offered a purportedly value-free assessment of the minimum wage. One published his research, which showed job losses, with the C.D. Howe Institute. Yet he and his coauthor proceeded to advocate a $15 minimum wage on “equity” and “turnover” grounds.

The challenges of economics as an academic field are vast and will continue to be a pertinent topic in my financial writing. In particular, the trend toward less theoretical and more empirical economics is becoming obvious, as are the consequences. As documented by Econ Journal Watch, progressive ideology and central banking biases have long been undermining classical economics, polluting the field, and orienting it toward policy interventionism.

Naked Economics has plenty of laudable material, notably regarding Gary Becker on family economics and Ronald Coase on property rights and externalities. However, the book is a product of its time, and much of the good in it will likely go over the layman’s head. Wheelan’s book on statistics remains his more useful work, and Economics in One Lesson, despite being fifty-six years its senior, retains its spot as the go-to economics primer.

Author:

Contact Fergus Hodgson

Fergus Hodgson is editor in chief of the PanAm Post, a bilingual publication that spans the American continent. Originally from New Zealand, he came to the United States to study economics at Boston University and now lives in Miami, Florida.

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