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Posts Tagged ‘Henry David Thoreau’

You Don’t Have to “Cultivate Poverty” to Pursue Truth, Contrary to Thoreau | Mises Wire

Posted by M. C. on July 13, 2020

In Walden, Thoreau proclaimed that “trade curses everything it handles” and later derided “the immorality of trade.” Thoreau never appreciated how an economy based on private ownership and voluntary exchange creates vast opportunities for anyone with goods or labor to sell to carve their own space and follow their own values. If I had waited for Bostonians to recognize and reward my intrinsic worth, I would have missed even more meals than I did. But I could find enough folks who appreciated my ability to shovel and to type and to guffaw that I survived Beantown.

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Henry David Thoreau has inspired generation of Americans to live fuller, freer lives. From his story of spending a night in jail as a tax protestor in “Civil Disobedience” to his chronicle of solitary living in Walden, Thoreau reached higher ground by going against the herd.

I was enthralled when I first read Thoreau when I was eighteen, and his prescriptions for simplicity and frugal living quickly became my lodestars. Thoreau wrote, “The cost of a thing is the amount of life which is required to be exchanged for it, immediately or in the long run.” The fewer things I purchased, the more time I controlled. Thoreau helped me recognize that personal independence depends more on how you live and what you value than on your income. Thoreau also seemed to incarnate the doctrine of self-reliance that his friend, Ralph Waldo Emerson, preached.

After I decided to become a writer, my enthusiasm for Thoreau and Emerson helped sway me to move to Boston, where I expected to find endless intellectual stimulation. As a 21-year-old college dropout from the mountains of Virginia who had just sold his first article to a political magazine, I assumed I could easily rack up more sales living in the big city. No such luck: my submissions struck out everywhere.

But I still had Thoreau’s great admonitions, right? Alas, philosophical gems were not legal tender when rent was due.

In his final essay, “Life without Principle,” Thoreau gravely warned: “The ways by which you may get money almost without exception lead downward….A man had better starve at once than lose his innocence in the process of getting his bread.”

I took a less dogmatic view on the value of innocence. When the financial wolves howled at my door, I enlisted to serve as a Santa Claus at a Filene’s Department Store. If wearing a gaudy red suit and fake whiskers harmed my character, the damage was hidden by the padded pillow I wore on my belly. Likewise for the giant rabbit costume I wore as part of a Beatrix Potter promotion. Admittedly, that outfit terrified some children but it wasn’t my fault that the rabbit’s bulging, bloodshot eyes and canine grimace made me look like the cottontail from hell. (Maybe the artist who crafted the visage was disgruntled.)

Thoreau proclaimed, “You cannot raise money enough to hire a man who is minding his own business.” I found it easier to “mind my own business” with a few portraits of Andrew Jackson and Alexander Hamilton in my pocket. I worked one day at the Boston freight yards unloading a railcar of Idaho potatoes. I enjoyed heaving fifty-pound boxes onto pallets but couldn’t get regular predawn transit to the rail yards.

Thoreau utterly disdained labor markets: “To have done anything by which you earned money merely is to have been truly idle or worse. If the laborer gets no more than the wages which his employer pays him, he is cheated, he cheats himself.” I never felt cheated because I made sure I always I got paid. After Boston got walloped by three feet of snow in the Great Blizzard of 1978, I heard that a nearby campus was paying $4 an hour (equivalent to $16 an hour now) for snow shovelers. I hustled through snowdrifts, got the gig, and spent almost two days around the clock excavating the white stuff. I finally caught up on rent plus I could brag about doing “pathbreaking work at the Harvard Business School.”

I failed to get the one Boston job that my soul craved: carrying a sandwich board down city sidewalks—just like in the 1930s Three Stooges reels. (OK, so I didn’t want to be a surveyor like Thoreau.) The employment agency had already filled that position, but the boss lady cajoled me into taking a typing test. My words-per-minute score assured me plenty of assignments, including a brief stint at WGBH, a public TV station that petulantly refused to credit temp typists in television production credits. But at least I could add “Kelly Girl” to my resume.

In Walden, Thoreau proclaimed that “trade curses everything it handles” and later derided “the immorality of trade.” Thoreau never appreciated how an economy based on private ownership and voluntary exchange creates vast opportunities for anyone with goods or labor to sell to carve their own space and follow their own values. If I had waited for Bostonians to recognize and reward my intrinsic worth, I would have missed even more meals than I did. But I could find enough folks who appreciated my ability to shovel and to type and to guffaw that I survived Beantown. (It probably helped that I didn’t show employers any of my seditious writings.)

Perhaps Thoreau was unable to appreciate economic freedom because he believed daily life should be a fervent, hallowed pursuit of truth. Thoreau lamented people who lacked a “high and earnest purpose” and proclaimed: “Our whole life is startlingly moral. There is never an instant’s truce between virtue and vice.” Personally, I called a truce when it was time for a beer or bantering with Bostonian women who weren’t too wacky. I had no trouble partitioning my life between what I did to earn a buck and other times spent reading, writing, and rabble-rousing. Regardless of Thoreau’s prescriptions, bowing five times a day to a philosophical mecca wasn’t enough for a happy life. And I learned early in life to prefer cash on the barrelhead over promises of uplift.

But Thoreau did provide the benchmark for getting the hell out of Massachusetts. In his final essay, Thoreau declared: “There is no more fatal blunderer than he who consumes the greater part of his life getting a living.” I was blundering big time in Boston. I had not found a way to support my literary habit that did not consume far too much of my time. Rent alone routinely required more than a week’s work and everything else seemed to cost more than it should. I moved back south to a college town and set up a typing business that enabled me to earn enough money in a grueling sixteen-hour workday to cover a month’s rent—which was barely half as much. Ironically, the last article I submitted before exiting was accepted and published by the Boston Globe after I left town.

In the final chapter of Walden, Thoreau implores readers: “Cultivate poverty like a garden herb, like sage. Sell your clothes and keep your thoughts.” I treasured my thoughts but I knew that I’d think better if I wasn’t bare assed. Philosophy is no substitute for protein. Regardless of Thoreau’s adoration of rice, I needed red meat to feed whatever muse I might have. Rather than “cultivating poverty,” I recognized that “cashflow” can be the most important verb for a struggling writer

 

Author:

James Bovard

James Bovard is the author of ten books, including 2012’s Public Policy Hooligan, and 2006’s Attention Deficit Democracy. He has written for the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, Playboy, Washington Post, and many other publications.

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A Disease in the Public Mind, Part II? – LewRockwell

Posted by M. C. on June 29, 2020

The Southern slaves were used as pawns in a war that was not about freeing them but about destroying the voluntary union of the founders and replacing it with a coerced union more along the lines of the future Soviet Union.  Lincoln and the U.S. Congress declared to the world in 1861 (in Lincoln’s first inaugural address, and the War Aims Resolution of the U.S Congress) that the war had nothing to do with slavery but was being fought to “save the union” (geographically and for tax-collecting purposes).  

https://www.lewrockwell.com/2020/06/thomas-dilorenzo/a-disease-in-the-public-mind-part-ii/

By

In 2013 historian and novelist Thomas Fleming, the author of more than fifty books including biographies of George Washington and Benjamin Franklin, and histories of the two world wars, made a contribution to American Civil War history with A Disease in the Public Mind: A New Understanding of Why We Fought the Civil War.  A kind of “disease in the public mind” that Fleming speaks of seems to have commenced a second wave that many fear may lead to a second civil war.

Fleming is perplexed that the United States was “the only nation in the world to fight a war to end slavery.”  All other countries (Great Britain, Spain, France, Netherlands, Denmark, the Northern states in the U.S.), ended slavery peacefully in the nineteenth century.  He also does not believe that the average Confederate soldier fought to defend slavery since “a mere 6 percent of the total white population” of the South in 1860 owned slaves and there was no stake in the system for the other 94 percent.

So why was there a war, according to Thomas Fleming?  First, there was an extreme “malevolent envy” of Southerners by the New England “Yankees” who believed they were God’s chosen people entitled to rule over not only America but the world.  Today, such people would be called “neocons.”  Southerners did not agree, obviously.

Second, there were twenty-five or so wealthy and very influential New England abolitionists who had abandoned Christianity, condemned Jesus Christ, and adopted the mentally deranged murderer of innocents, John Brown, a self-described communist, as their “savior,” funding his terroristic bloodbaths. Brown and his comrades murdered entire families in Kansas who did not own slaves, including the murder of Mr. James P. Doyle and his two sons in front of their wife and mother.  Brown said his purpose was “to strike terror into the hearts of proslavery people.”  The rationalization of mass murder such as this is the “disease in the public mind” that Fleming writes about.  It is also the ideology that fueled the Lincoln administration’s waging of total war on the entire civilian population of the South, with Sherman’s troops singing “John Brown’s Body” as they raped, pillaged, and plundered their way through Georgia and South Carolina.

The New England Yankees “were inclined to believe in the moral depravity of anyone who disagreed with them,” a trait that “permeated” New England, says Fleming.  Armed with such thoughts, such New England Yankees as William Lloyd Garrison waged a decades-long crusade of hatred against Southerners, saying they were “ruled by Satan,” calling the region “one great Sodom,” and other outrageous insults reminiscent of the Salem (Massachusetts) witch trials, remarks Fleming.  And some wonder why Southerners no longer wanted to be “united” with the New England Yankees.

Ralph Waldo Emerson “expressed awe and near-worship of John Brown,” Fleming writes.  Henry David Thoreau said “Brown was Jesus” and “the humanest man in the country.”  These leading literary lights of New England were clearly crazy.

There are similarities with today’s would-be revolutionaries who seem hell bent on instigating a second civil war.  The Leftists who have displayed an uncontrollable, violent hatred of President Trump over the past three-and-a-half years have done so because their real hatred is of the people who voted for Trump and put him in office.  They are not condemned as Satanists or sodomists, as with nineteenth-century Southerners, but have instead been branded as “deplorable” racists, sexists, homophobes, etc., etc.  Several years before the defeat of Queen Hillary, Clyde Wilson remarked in a LewRockwell.com article entitled “The Yankee Problem in America” that Hillary Clinton, raised in Illinois and educated in New England, was “a museum-quality specimen of a Yankee.”

These are the people whose dreams of destroying capitalism and replacing it with their own version of Soviet central planning under the guise of a “Green New Deal” have been soundly rejected if not ignored by the deplorables, a key reason for their intense, and often violent hatred.  They feel entitled to rule over the rest of America – if not the world – and many of them appear to be seething with a murderous hatred over not being granted such power.  They have given up on debate and argumentation and are now resorting to pervasive censorship, riots, vandalism, arson, and assaults.  Mass killing cannot be too far off if they are not stopped and soon.  They are essentially a combination of nineteenth-century New England Yankee and early twentieth-century Russian Bolshevik.  One thing these two movements had in common is their willingness to wage total wars of mass murder in pursuit of monopolistic political power.  Indeed, historian Richard Bensel remarked in his book, Yankee Leviathan, that the political monopoly enjoyed by the Republican Party from 1861-1913 was rivaled only by the Soviet Union itself.

Many of the violent, screaming, rioting youths displayed on television and the internet in recent weeks are most likely a part of the Bernie Brigade,” social justice snowflake followers of lifelong communist Bernie Sanders.  Unlike Bernie, however, they have chosen violence, vandalism, arson and criminality as their modus operandi as opposed to working within the system as an elected public official.

The Southern slaves were used as pawns in a war that was not about freeing them but about destroying the voluntary union of the founders and replacing it with a coerced union more along the lines of the future Soviet Union.  Lincoln and the U.S. Congress declared to the world in 1861 (in Lincoln’s first inaugural address, and the War Aims Resolution of the U.S Congress) that the war had nothing to do with slavery but was being fought to “save the union” (geographically and for tax-collecting purposes).   This, too, is similar to today’s events, with what started out as riots supposedly over police brutality against black people turning into  “demands” for an exponentially bigger welfare state, abolition of police and prisons, the abolition of capitalism and in essence the adoption of socialism.  Toppling statues of Christopher Columbus, Ulysses S. Grant, Albert Pike, and even of Lincoln is not a protest against police brutality but part of an effort to destroy the institutions of Western civilization and replace them with communism at long last.  As one of the founders of Black Lives Matter proudly boasted, “We are trained Marxists.”  (“Trained” by Obama-style “community organizers,” no doubt).

In the tradition of John Brown, one Black Lives Matter spokesman named Hawk Newsome appeared on the Fox News Channel and threatened to “burn down the system” if his “demands are not met.”  “Civil rights activist” Shaun King recently echoed the nineteenth-century New England Yankee assault on Christianity when he went on Twitter to invite his followers to vandalize and destroy images of “White Jesus” and “his European wife” in churches throughout America.  Such people may not have a mental disease; they are just plain evil.

One final similarity between the Civil War years and today is that there were people in America who urged the peaceful abolition of slavery, just as all the rest of the world had done in recent years.  Slavery existed in New York City as late as 1853 according to the New York Historical Society.  Lysander Spooner was a renowned abolitionist who wrote a book on The Unconstitutionality of Slavery that was a roadmap of the peaceful abolition of the institution.  He and others like him were ignored, for the Republican party of the day was devoted to creating an American empire that would rival the British, Spanish, and French empires, and were not interested in practical plans for peaceful emancipation.

Recently, Senator Tim Scott of South Carolina mistakenly believed that the rioting communists of Antifa and Black Lives Matter – the shock troops of the Democrat Party — were actually interested in reforming the criminal justice system and would support legislation that he introduced into the U.S. Senate that would address the problem of police brutality.  He was denounced by all the usual suspects and stonewalled by his own (Democrat and some Republican) colleagues in the senate.  These people are about revolution, not making life safer and more prosperous for black people – and everyone else.

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10 Best Quotes from “Civil Disobedience” by Henry David Thoreau | The Daily Bell

Posted by M. C. on May 25, 2020

https://www.thedailybell.com/all-articles/news-analysis/10-best-quotes-from-henry-david-thoreaus-essay-civil-disobedience/

By Joe Jarvis

Although the essay was written 168 years ago, the subject of Civil Disobedience is more relevant than ever.

As people debate the scope of government power in regards to Covid-19 lockdowns, some are openly defying the law.

Henry David Thoreau believed that it was not only proper but necessary to disobey bad laws.

Civil Disobedience, or Resisting Civil Government as it was originally titled, was published in 1849. Thoreau was 32 years old, living in Massachusetts. At this point, Thoreau had already spent his time at Walden Pond.

Thoreau had also spent a night in jail years earlier after refusing to pay a poll tax, which he discusses in Civil Disobedience. He was actually annoyed when an anonymous person paid his bail because Thoreau saw his time in jail as a worthy sacrifice to protest the injustice of extortion AKA taxes.

Here are the ten best quotes from his 25-page essay.

1.

“I heartily accept the motto, ‘That government is best which governs least:’ and I should like to see it acted up to more rapidly and systematically. Carried out, it finally amounts to this, which also I believe,-‘That government is best which governs not at all;’ and when men are prepared for it, that will be the kind of government which they will have.”

This is how Thoreau begins the essay. The point is that government is only required when things need to be forced, and someday, we will live in a world where everything worth being done at all is done voluntarily.

2.

“The standing army is only an arm of the standing government. The government itself, which is only the mode which the people have chosen to execute their will, is equally liable to be abused and perverted, before the people can act through it.”

Sometimes people need to get together to make things happen. A government is one way to do that, if you need to build a road, or keep people safe. But sometimes governments also murder millions of people, keep entire segments of the population in slavery, and bring the earth to the brink of nuclear holocaust.

But they do build the roads… Read the rest of this entry »

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