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Posts Tagged ‘ideologies’

Libertarian Law by Democratic Means: The Power of Ideologies and Public Opinion | Mises Wire

Posted by M. C. on May 6, 2023

Mises—using the subjectivist-utilitarian method of analyzing society: subjective value, entrepreneurial innovation, consumer sovereignty, and action guided by ideas about ends and means—argues that in reality all de jure government is ultimately de facto government by public opinion, which is guided by ideologies.

From a Misesian perspective, the establishment of a representative democracy is a quest for a de jure government of public opinion. This could deal both with the social fact of the power of ideologies and public opinion and with the regulative ideal of a peacefully adapting to changes in the ideological preferences of the population.

https://mises.org/wire/libertarian-law-democratic-means-power-ideologies-and-public-opinion

Fabricio Terán

Previously I explained Ludwig von Mises’s descriptive philosophy of the consent of individuals as the only thing that gives value to norms and authority. Individuals interpret norms and authority as useful—whether or not they are useful in reality for individuals’ purposes of coexistence. I continue with the explanation of how group consent originates and how it sustains norms and authorities with the help of ideologies and public opinion.

Ideologies and Ideological Entrepreneurs

In the first place, the consent of the governed refers to individual consent to ideas, more specifically to systems of ideas that Mises calls “ideologies.” From Misesian theory, the act of consenting to norms and authorities is influenced by an ideology that guides action. Ideologies are standardized sets of purposes and means that facilitate the creation of groups by simplifying individual choices. In Mises’s words:

What creates a group activity is a definite end sought by individuals and the belief of these individuals that cooperating in this group is a suitable means to attain the end sought. A group is a product of human wishes and the ideas about the means to realize these wishes. Its roots are in the value judgments of individuals and in the opinions held by individuals about the effects to be expected from definite means. To deal with social groups adequately and completely, one must start from the actions of the individuals. No group activity can be understood without analyzing the ideology that forms the group and makes it live and work.

Mises’s subjectivist-utilitarian individualism helps us to understand social phenomena on the basis of minimum certainties and by avoiding metaphysical speculations: only individuals exist in a real way, while groups exist only as the action of individuals who share the same ideologies.

In Misesian philosophical individualism, since individuals act, there are no “natural” forms of organization of society; all forms of organization are ideological, and ideologies are human inventions and choices. Therefore, ideologies are explained as immaterial products or social technologies created by concrete individuals and not by an anonymous mass or some metaphysical phantom. Groups are consumers of these products, and social phenomena are the result of these products. Mises explains ideologies as entrepreneurial creations:

There are pioneers who conceive new ideas and design new modes of thinking and acting; there are leaders who guide people along the way these people want to walk, and there are the anonymous masses who follow the leaders. There can be no question of writing history without the names of the pioneers and the leaders. . . . To ascribe the ideas producing historical change to the mass psyche is a manifestation of arbitrary metaphysical prepossession. . . . Mass movements are not inaugurated by anonymous nobodys but by individuals. We do not know the names of the men who in the early days of civilization accomplished the greatest exploits. But we are certain that also the technological and institutional innovations of those early ages were not the result of a sudden flash of inspiration that struck the masses but the work of some individuals who by far surpassed their fellow men.

There is no mass psyche and no mass mind but only ideas held and actions performed by the many in endorsing the opinions of the pioneers and leaders and imitating their conduct. Mobs and crowds too act only under the direction of ringleaders. The common men who constitute the masses are characterized by lack of initiative. They are not passive, they also act, but they act only at the instigation of abetters.

In short, ideologies are sets of standardized ends and means created by intellectuals—the ideological entrepreneur. When adopted by others, ideologies generate group actions, including the action of group consent to certain norms and authorities.

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Erie Times E-Edition Article Rethinking Polarization

Posted by M. C. on October 28, 2019

Follow the link below to view the article.
Weak political parties empower demagogues
http://erietimes.pa.newsmemory.com/?publink=43be65231

George Will

There are political moments, and this might be one, in which worse is better.

Moments, that is, when a society’s per capita quantity of conspicuous stupidity is so high and public manners are so low that a critical mass of people are jolted into saying “enough, already.” Looking on the bright side, as usually he is sensibly disinclined to do, Jonathan Rauch thinks such a moment might be arriving.

Writing in National Affairs (“Rethinking Polarization”), Rauch, a Brookings Institution senior fellow, postulates a vast emptiness at the core of the politics that has engulfed us: “What if, to some significant extent, the increase in partisanship is not really about anything?”

What if rival tribalisms are largely untethered from ideologies?

This is plausible. The angriest conservatives, or at least people brandishing this label, show no interest in what was, until recently, conservatism’s substance — limited government, balanced budgets, free trade, curbs in executive power, entitlement reform, collective security. Conservatives’ anger is eerily unrelated to the comprehensive apostasy from what was, three years ago, conservatism’s catechism.

Of course, this catechism had long been (in Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s formulation) avowed but not constraining: The conservative party did not allow professed beliefs to influence its behavior.

So, on the right, a politics of passions unrelated to policy flooded into the vacuum of convictions unrelated to behavior.

Rauch’s thesis is that increased polarization has little to do with ideas and much to do with hostile feelings — “negative partisanship” — about others. “It’s not so much that we like our own party,” Rauch surmises, “as that we detest the other.” The left, like the right, has no plausible, meaning implementable, plan for solving pressing problems, from immigration to $1 trillion deficits at full employment. So, despising President Donald Trump, who makes this easy, is a substitute for a politics of substance.

Group solidarity based on shared detestations is fun, and because fun can trigger dopamine bursts in the brain, it can be addictive. Rauch: “One of the most important characteristics of this ‘new’ form of polarization is that there is nothing new about it...

Rauch hopes that America’s current public awfulness might “end up strengthening liberal norms and institutions by scaring us, at last, into defending them.” Isn’t it pretty to think so?

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