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Posts Tagged ‘nationalist’

1991: When America Tried to Keep Ukraine in the USSR

Posted by M. C. on April 29, 2022

Indeed, in the case of Ukraine, President George H.W. Bush even traveled to Kyiv in 1990 to lecture the Ukrainians about the dangers of seeking independence from Moscow, while decrying the supposed nationalist threat.

https://mises.org/wire/1991-when-america-tried-keep-ukraine-ussr

Ryan McMaken

The US government today likes to pretend that it is the perennial champion of political independence for countries that were once behind the Iron Curtain. What is often forgotten, however, is that in the days following the fall of the Berlin Wall, Washington opposed independence for Soviet republics like Ukraine and the Baltic states.

In fact, the Bush administration openly supported Mikhail Gorbachev’s efforts to hold the Soviet Union together rather than allow the USSR to decentralize into smaller states. The US regime and its supporters in the press took the position that nationalism—not Soviet despotism—was the real problem for the people of Eastern Europe and the Caucasus.

Indeed, in the case of Ukraine, President George H.W. Bush even traveled to Kyiv in 1990 to lecture the Ukrainians about the dangers of seeking independence from Moscow, while decrying the supposed nationalist threat.

Today, nationalism is still a favorite bogeyman among Washington establishment mouthpieces. These outlets routinely opine on the dangers of French nationalismHungarian nationalism, and Russian nationalism. One often sees the term nationalism applied in ways designed to make the term distasteful, as in “white nationalism.”

When nationalism is convenient for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and its European freeloaders, on the other hand, we are told that nationalism is a force for good. Thus, the US regime and mainstream media generally pretend that Ukrainian nationalism—and even Ukrainian white nationalism—either don’t exist or are to be praised.

In 1991, however, the US had not yet decided that it paid to actively promote nationalism—so long as it is anti-Russian nationalism. Thus, in those days, we find the US regime siding with Moscow in efforts to stifle or discourage local nationalist efforts to break with the old Soviet state. The way it played out is an interesting case study in both Bush administration bumbling and in the US’s foreign policy before the advent of unipolar American liberal hegemony. 

The Antinationalist Context

In the late 1980s, it was already apparent that the Soviet Union was beginning to lose its grip on many parts of the enormous polity that was the USSR. Restive nationalists within the Soviet Union were beginning to assert local control. For example, by 1989, ethnic Armenians and Azeris were already embroiled in the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh that continues to this day. Deadly ethnic violence flared, but Moscow, in its weakened state, put off taking action. Yet, in January 1990, Moscow did act in what is known in Azerbaijan today as “Black January.” Soviet tanks rolled into the Caspian Sea port city of Baku and killed as many as 150 Azeris—many of them civilians: “The ostensible aim of the intervention was to stop Azeri massacres of Armenians, but the real goal was to prevent the Azerbaijani Popular Front from taking power.”1 The Popular Front was the chief political arm of anti-Moscow nationalism in Azerbaijan, and its leader stated, ”The goal is to drive out the army, liquidate the [Moscow-controlled] Azerbaijani Communist Party, establish a democratic parliament.”

Yet instead of Washington pundits instructing Americans to announce “I stand with Azerbaijan,” we were told the real threat was nationalism. As Doyle McManus wrote at the Los Angeles Times in 1990: “An ancient specter is haunting Europe: untamed nationalism…. From Baku to Berlin, as the Soviet Bloc has disintegrated, ethnic conflicts that once seemed part of the past have suddenly returned to life.” These old nationalistic impulses, one official from the State Department averred, are “dangerous ghosts” from Europe’s past. Arch establishment foreign policy advisor Zbigniew Brzezinki was on hand to claim that ethnic tensions could lead to “geopolitical anarchy.” Bush administration officials were “worried” that smaller national groups might replace the Soviet Union. At the time, it was not uncommon to hear that nationalism in Europe would bring about a situation similar to that which supposedly caused World War I. As one “senior Bush advisor” said, “It’s 1914 all over again.”

So, when the Soviet tanks showed up to crush a potential coup that might free some Soviet subjects from Moscow’s yoke, the feeling in Washington was one of relief rather than dismay at Moscow’s aggression. Washington was clinging to the idea that the answer to nationalism was to ensure the continued existence of—as Murray Rothbard put it—”a single, overriding government agency with a monopoly force to settle disputes by coercion.” That agency was the USSR. 

The US Against Independence for Ukraine and the Baltics

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Alexander Hamilton: Centralist and Nationalist | Mises Wire

Posted by M. C. on September 22, 2020

Similarly, Hamilton’s twisting of the General Welfare Clause has been the excuse for much of the federal activity we see today. His version of it has been continuously expanded, and since the 1930s it has been a blank slate for the federal government to tax and spend on anything it wants. It’s cited so much that many people today actually believe that the General Welfare Clause permits government action “so long as it provides for the general welfare.”

https://mises.org/wire/alexander-hamilton-centralist-and-nationalist?utm_source=Mises+Institute+Subscriptions&utm_campaign=ef8e3eb42d-EMAIL_CAMPAIGN_9_21_2018_9_59_COPY_01&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_8b52b2e1c0-ef8e3eb42d-228343965

Listen to the Audio Mises Wire version of this article.

The September 11, 2001, terror attacks shocked the world, leaving ramifications still felt nineteen years later. Few are familiar with the Republic’s first 9/11 tragedy, September 11, 1789, the day Alexander Hamilton was appointed secretary of the Treasury.

Hamilton is glorified as a hero in popular culture, even the subject of a hit Broadway musical bearing his name. He’s the darling of both mainstream progressives and conservatives—usually a telltale sign that someone is one of the worst of the worst. Part of the adoration for Hamilton comes from his rags-to-riches story. Born fatherless in the Caribbean and soon orphaned, it can’t be denied that getting an education in New York, serving as General Washington’s chief aide, and becoming a leading political figure is an impressive turn of events. Progressives love pointing to Hamilton for their “nation of immigrants” narrative, which doesn’t make sense since Hamilton was born in the British Empire. Hamilton, the übernationalist, is also cited by the neocons as their missing link from the founding to their “one nation” and “America as a propositional nation” mythologies. Getting beyond the romanticization, Hamilton’s agenda set the table to give the federal government the tools to erode liberty over the next 230 years.

Hamilton has, perhaps, done more damage to the United States than any other American figure, even Woodrow Wilson and Abraham Lincoln, two more beloved icons of the mainstream. Hamilton was an opportunist, liar, and duplicitous. His vision paved the way to create a nearly unlimited central authority with no checks on its power, contrary to the principles of limited and self-government that many believed they had put in place for the new republic in 1788.

The Bait and Switch

Hamilton knew how to play the crowd. When it was time to ratify the Constitution, the republican Antifederalists feared a strong, central authority. He assured them only the powers expressly delegated to the federal government would be the ones it would have. The second the Constitution was in effect, Hamilton flipped the script.

One such example is in Federalist essay no. 21, Hamilton said that tariffs were better for the economy than direct taxes. Just three years later, he changed his tune and advocated for a laundry list of direct taxes, which played a part in leading to insurrections such as the Whiskey Rebellion.

In Federalist 33, Hamilton said that the Necessary and Proper Clause was harmless and wouldn’t confer any powers to the federal government not expressly delegated to it. He once again flipped the script in office, citing the exact same clause to take federal action not delegated, such as establishing the First National Bank.

When it came to the General Welfare Clause, Richard Henry Lee was concerned that it would be used for “every possible object of human legislation.” Hamilton retorted that Lee’s fears were “absurd.” In office, Hamilton again pulled the bait and switch, relying on this clause as an excuse to do anything and everything, saying the clause allowed for “a vast variety of particulars neither of specification nor definition.”

Hamilton also claimed the Supreme Court would be the weakest part of the government, unable to do anything against the other two branches. Later on, he helped organize the judiciary to become superior to both the Congress and the states.

Hamilton’s Contributions: Taxes, Central Banking, and Cronyism

As first secretary of the Treasury, Hamilton had President Washington’s ear, using this influence to set his nationalist agenda. His list of “accomplishments”—or should I say “abominations”—includes: centralizing power, high taxes, and crony capitalism, just to name a few.

Hamilton’s pet project was establishing the First National Bank in 1791, a central banking system that was a precursor to the Federal Reserve the US now has, which is responsible for so much economic instability. The federal government didn’t have the money for the bank; Hamilton suggested the bank just borrow from itself. He even went as far as to say the public debt “was a public blessing.”

He had proposed the idea of a central bank in 1787, but it was immediately shot down in Philadelphia. With the idea being this unpopular, it was quite a surprise to many of that generation that one was established just a few years later. James Madison saw no constitutional authority for it, Attorney General Edmund Randolph opposed it, and Thomas Jefferson said the Necessary and Proper clause didn’t permit it. Hamilton’s response was that “necessary” meant “no more than needful, requisite, useful, and conducive to.”

Hamilton also got his way when it came to war debts. The question of how states would pay these came up, Hamilton proposed an assumption scheme where the federal government would take on all the states’ debts. This drew red flags for two reasons. First, taking on these debts would expand the power and scope of what was supposed to be a very limited federal government. Second, Southern states had paid off most of their debt—Virginia had altogether. New England states still had most of their debt unpaid. This policy would have the Southern states foot the bill for the Northern states through increased taxes. Madison and Jefferson opposed this unfair plan at first but eventually conceded in the Compromise of 1790, which put the US capitol in the South in exchange for Hamiltion’s assumption scheme.

Hamilton knew that high taxes would be essential for a central government to do all the meddling he wanted. His list of taxes included the “whiskey tax” which unduly burdened farmers in the west who struggled transporting cumbersome grain over the Appalachian mountains. His crony plan gave unfair tax breaks to large distillers in the east. Those on the western frontier refused to pay. Many of them were veterans of the Revolution who thought the tax went against the very principles they had just fought for. Hamilton kept prodding Washington, who wanted to be a moderate on the issue, to use force to crush the insurrection. Eventually Hamilton got his way and in 1794 thousands of federal troops were sent in to squash the rebellion and show off the might of the federal government.

Hamilton’s Legacy

Hamilton turned the Constitution on its head in office to get away with anything he wanted. This set the precedent for legal scholars and judges alike to read anything into the Constitution that served their political agenda.

Hamilton’s ally John Marshall became the fourth chief justice of the Supreme Court and used Hamilton’s influence to forever change our constitutional order when the ink on the document was barely dry. Marshall’s decision in Marbury v. Madison gave the Supreme Court power of judicial review, allowing it to interpret the Constitution however it wants. He also ruled in McCulloch v. Maryland that federal law was above state law—a complete abomination to the federal system the founders had set in place. These decisions ensured that Hamiltion got his way—a centralized system with an authority that has no checks on it.

Hamilton’s bait and switch on the Necessary and Proper Clause has been used to give the federal government complete control over currency. It has also been used with the Commerce Clause to allow the federal government to regulate anything it wants. This started to take root with New Deal legislation, a prime example being Wickard v. Filburn, in which it was held that the federal government can regulate commerce even when purely intrastate.

Similarly, Hamilton’s twisting of the General Welfare Clause has been the excuse for much of the federal activity we see today. His version of it has been continuously expanded, and since the 1930s it has been a blank slate for the federal government to tax and spend on anything it wants. It’s cited so much that many people today actually believe that the General Welfare Clause permits government action “so long as it provides for the general welfare.”

While Hamilton is glorified by power hungry nationalists, remember that his appointment to the federal government was America’s first 9/11 tragedy. If you like high taxes, crony capitalism, central banking, the states relegated to mere corporations, a central authority that can regulate everything you do, and a judiciary that can do anything it wants, thank Alexander Hamilton.

Author:

Daren A. Wiseley

Daren Wiseley has a J.D. from Indiana University. More of his work can be found at choosewiseley.org.

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Of Two Minds – The Internal War in the Deep State Claims Its High Profile Casualty: Jeffrey Epstein

Posted by M. C. on August 13, 2019

https://www.oftwominds.com/blogaug19/deep-state-war8-19.html

Charles Hugh Smith

The “traditionalist” Neocons are going to have to decide to fish or cut bait.

I’ve been writing about the fracturing Deep State for the past five years:

Is the Deep State Fracturing into Disunity? (March 14, 2014)

Is the Deep State at War–With Itself? (December 14, 2016)

Epstein and the Explosive Crisis of the Deep State (July 15, 2019)

The conflict has now reached the hot-war stage where bodies are turning up, explained away by the usual laughable covers: “suicide,” “accident” and “heart attack.” That Jeffrey Epstein’s death in a secure cell is being labeled “suicide” tells us quite a lot about the desperation of the faction trying to protect the self-serving predators that have wormed their way into control of many Deep State nodes of power.

Here’s the basic structure of the Deep State conflict as I see it. For context: The Deep State exploded in size and power during World War II. At the war’s end, the proper role of the U.S. in the postwar era was up for grabs, and over the course of a few years, the CIA and other intelligence agencies were established and the doctrine of containment of the Soviet Union became the dominant narrative, a narrative that held with remarkable consistency for four decades until the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991.

This collapse was another critical juncture, and debates over America’s role in this “unipolar era” were finally settled in favor of the militarily-geopolitically activist ideology of neoconservatism (Neocons).

This globalist ideology spawned a variety of monstrous policy disasters and as a result the Neocons have been challenged by factions within the Deep State.

This Neocon Globalist camp is dominated by the amoral ideology of the ends justifies the means. This everything is allowed, anything can be hidden or justified ideology slowly spread from overseas black ops and a spectrum of interventions to the power nodes of the domestic Deep State.

The failures of Neocon globalism have ushered in another critical juncture in the Deep State…

As the policy disasters launched by Neocon Globalists piled up, the Neocons were desperate for domestic political allies...

Arrayed against this completely corrupt, degenerate camp of Neocon Globalists is a “nationalist” camp within the Deep State

The “nationalist” faction within the Deep State is gaining ground, and now a fracture in the Neocon camp is threatening the Globalists:

The debauchery of morals undermines the legitimacy of the state and thus of the entire power structure….

Having enabled and used amoral predators like Epstein, the “traditionalist” Neocons are forced to defend the debauched and now toxic “Liberal” defenders of the Neocon Globalist Project...

The final fracture is within the “rogue realists”:

The “rogue realists” are attempting to use the judicial system to bring down the predatory self-serving elites, but given Epstein’s “mysterious” end, it appears the Department of Justice is also infiltrated…

This raises the issue that destroys democracies: who investigates the investigators? The “traditionalist” Neocons are going to have to decide to fish or cut bait: either swirl down the sewer by protecting everyone in Epstein’s black book and stash of videos, or clean house before they lose it all.

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Ajit Vadakayil: SECOND DEFEAT FOR DEEP STATE -- CAPT AJIT ...

 

 

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